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Contents:
  1. See a Problem?
  2. Garment Workers | WIEGO
  3. Women for Hire: Study of the Female Office Worker

Language eng.

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Publication New York, St. Martin's Press, Extent x, p. Note Includes index Includes index. Isbn Subject Industrial sociology Women white collar workers -- Great Britain. Library Locations Map Details. Allalra Library Borrow it. Library Links. The results showed that male applicants were favored significantly. Men had higher interview callbacks or job offers. In addition, men did even better in high-pay restaurants compared to low-pay ones. In the low-price restaurants, for each man who received a job offer, the woman was rejected 29 percent of the time.

There were no such cases where a man did not get the job offer but a woman did. In the high-priced restaurants, when the man got an offer, the woman was rejected 43 percent of the time. The same pattern that signaled discrimination was observed for the interviews. At the high-priced restaurants, women had 40 percent less chance of being interviewed and 50 percent less chance of receiving the job.

Therefore, based on this study, it is correct to conclude discrimination in the same job may lead to gender wage discrimination. Note the high-priced restaurants are more likely to offer higher wages and higher tips for its workers compared to those with low prices. Another experiment is the study of the effect of "blind" symphony orchestra auditions by Goldin and Rouse. Thus, only the skills were considered. In other words, a change occurred. This study tests for discrimination directly. The finding implies there was gender discrimination against woman musicians before the adoption of the screen on identity.

However, this discriminatory practice was eliminated after the adoption and only qualifications of the individuals were taken into account. Darity and Mason [] summarize results of discriminatory behavior observed in other countries on the basis of "correspondence tests". However, the qualifications written in the resumes are comparable. Darity and Mason [] summarize the court cases on discrimination, in which employers were found guilty and huge awards were rewarded for plaintiffs.

Garment Workers | WIEGO

They argue that such cases establish the existence of discrimination. Petersburg Times, , pp. The six black workers, who were the plaintiffs, gave the taped racist comments of the white corporate officials as evidence Inter Press Service, ; The Chicago Tribune, In , the General Motors Corporation was sued both for gender and racial discrimination the Christian Science Monitor, In , the plaintiffs of the Pitney Bowes, Inc.

Neoclassical labor economists explain the existence and persistence of discrimination based on tastes for discrimination and statistical discrimination theories.

Women for Hire: Study of the Female Office Worker

While overcrowding model moves away from neoclassical theory, the institutional models are non-neoclassical. The Nobel Prize -winning economist Gary Becker claimed the markets punish the companies that discriminate because it is costly. His argument is as following: [18]. The profitability of the company that discriminates is decreased, and the loss is "directly proportional to how much the employer's decision was based on prejudice, rather than on merit. Similarly, the customers who discriminate against certain kinds of workers in favor of less effective have to pay more for their services, in the average.

If a company discriminates, it typically loses profitability and market share to the companies that do not discriminate, unless the state limits free competition protecting the discriminators. However, there is a counter-argument against Becker's claim. As Becker conceptualized, discrimination is the personal prejudice or a "taste" associated with a specific group, originally formulated to explain employment discrimination based on race.

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The theory is based on the idea that markets punish the discriminator in the long run as discrimination is costly in the long run for the discriminator. There are three types of discrimination, namely: employer, employee and customer. In the first one, the employer has a taste for discriminating against women and is willing to pay the higher cost of hiring men instead of women.

Thus, the non-pecuniary cost brings an additional cost of discrimination in dollar terms; the full cost of employing women is the wage paid plus this additional cost of discrimination. For the total cost of men and women to be equal, women are paid less than men.


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In the second type, the male employees have a distaste for working with women employees. Because of the non-pecuniary cost, they must be paid more than women. In the third type, the customers or clients have a distaste for being served by woman employees. Therefore, the customers are willing to pay higher prices for a good or a service in order not to be served by women. The as-if non-pecuniary cost is associated with purchasing goods or services from women. Becker's theory states that discrimination cannot exist in the long run because it is costly.

However, discrimination seems to persist in the long run; [21] it declined only after the Civil Rights Act , as it was seen in the economic history. For instance, men are more likely to work as truck drivers, or the female customers are more likely to choose to be served by women lingerie salespersons because of preferences.

However, this segregation cannot explain the wage differentials. In other words, occupational segregation is an outcome of group-typing of employment between different groups but consumer discrimination does not cause wage differentials. Thus, customer discrimination theory fails to explain the combination of employment segregation and the wage differentials.

However, the data points out the jobs associated with women suffer from lower pay. Edmund Phelps [] introduced the assumption of uncertainty in hiring decisions. Thus, they are more likely to hire the male applicants over the females, if they believe on average men are more productive and more stable. This general view affects the decision of the employer about the individual on the basis of information on the group averages. Blau et al.

The non-neoclassical insight that is not part of the statistical discrimination sheds light onto uncertainty.

If a woman is given less firm-specific training and is assigned to lower-paid jobs where the cost of her resigning is low based on the general view of women, then this woman is more likely to quit her job, fulfilling the expectations, thus to reinforce group averages held by employers. However, if the employer invests a lot on her, the chance that she will stay is higher.

This non-neoclassical model was first developed by Bergmann. The reasons for segregation may be socialization, individual decisions, or labor market discrimination. Wage differentials occur when the job opportunities or demand for the female-dominated sector is less than the supply of women. According to the evidence, in general female dominated jobs pay less than male dominated jobs. The pay is low because of the high number of women who choose female dominated jobs or they do not have other opportunities.

When there is no discrimination in the market and both female and male workers are equally productive, wages are the same regardless of type of the job, F or M jobs. Assume the equilibrium wages in job F is higher than that of the M jobs. Intuitively, the workers in the less paying job will transfer to the other sector.

This movement ceases only when the wages in two sectors are equal. Therefore, when the market is free of discrimination, wages are the same for different types of jobs, provided that there is sufficient time for adjustment and attractiveness of each job is the same. When there is discrimination in the M jobs against women workers, or when women prefer the F jobs, economic outcomes change.

When there is a limit of available M jobs, its supply decreases; thus, wages of the M jobs increase. Consequently, higher supply of F jobs decreases its wage rates. Briefly, segregation causes the gender wage differentials regardless of the equal skills. Another striking point of overcrowding model is productivity. Since women in the F jobs cost less it is rational to substitute labor for capital.

On the contrary, it is rational to substitute capital for labor in the M jobs. Therefore, overcrowding causes wage differentials and it makes women less productive although they were potentially equally productive initially. The question of why women prefer working in female-dominated sectors is an important one. Some advocate this choice stems from inherently different talents or preferences; some insist it is due to the differences in socialization and division of labor in the household ; some believe it is because of discrimination in some occupations.

Institutional models of discrimination indicate labor markets are not as flexible as it is explained in the competitive models. Rigidities are seen in the institutional arrangements, or in the monopoly power.